Ramzi
Baroud Pays Tribute to Israel Shahak
Originally published in Arabia.com
Mourning the death of Jewish professor Israel Shahak
Those familiar with Shahak’s work know that making friends
was the man’s least concern. His unquestionable motive was
seeking the truth.
By Ramzy Baroud
OCCUPIED JERUSALEM: - On a quiet Wednesday afternoon, July 5,
an Israeli Jewish professor was laid to rest in a Jerusalem
cemetery, Giv’at Shaul. The loss of any dedicated individual is
a tragedy, but when that individual is Israel Shahak, then the
loss is deep, incomprehensible and universal.
Shahak’s intellectual genius made him a renowned scientist
and a distinguished chemist. His dedicated research in cancer
treatment following his appointment as a lecturer at the Hebrew
University in Jerusalem in 1963, garnered him international
recognition. But in Israel, his own country, Shahak was
vilified and despised.
The Israeli left and right have hardly embraced a similar
belief as much as there agreement on hating Shahak. In Israel, the
man was, and remains after his death, a unique phenomena perceived
by the liberals as radical and dubbed by the conservatives as
"a self-hating Jew," "Israel hater" and "Arabophile."
Those familiar with Shahak’s work must have known that making
friends was the man’s least concern while writing; his
unquestionable motive that are clearly evident in every word he
wrote was seeking the truth. Yet another undeniable fact is that
the core arguments posed by Shahak were immersed in compassion,
devotion and courage.
Born to middle class Polish parents in a Warsaw ghetto on April
28, 1933, Shahak passed through a cycle of a depressing life. At
the age of 10, he was forced with his parents into the Poniatowo
concentration camp. There he lost his father, escaped and was re-arrested
to spend two years in despair.
From the savagery of the camp, Shahak learned humanity, and
when he was released, he went to Israel because he was told
that the promised land was a safe haven for the Jews. His early
years in Israel, some spent in military service, were an eye
opener for young Shahak, who fought to escape the melancholy
of the past and construct a brighter future.
While Zionist principals were taught to the newcomers, who were
preparing to establish their lives in the new land, it was only
a matter of time before Shahak began questioning the fallacies of
Zionism.
He wrote, “in 1956 I eagerly swallowed all of Ben-Gurion’s
political and military reasons for Israel initiating the Suez War,
until he pronounced in the Knesset on the third day of that war
that the real reason for it is the restoration of the Kingdom of
David and Solomon to its biblical border. At this point in his
speech almost every Knesset member spontaneously rose and sang the
Israeli national anthem.”
Shahak’s rejection of racism and championing of human rights
for Palestinians grew mainly out of Israel’s
apartheid and racism. The emergence of his style of
writing began as a natural refusal to submit to the bigotry and
political deception promoted by his government.
Yet the man’s consequential involvement in the world of
politics, and slow abandonment of the world of chemistry rose from
one incident that was deeply troubling and left a never healing
scar; it was when he “witnessed an ultra-religious Jew refuse to
allow his phone to be used on the sabbath in order to call an
ambulance for a non-Jew who happened to collapse in a Jerusalem
neighborhood.”
Puzzeled by the cruelty of witnessing a fellow human die
with no help simply because he was a “Gentile”, Shahak
investigated the matter further, calling a meeting of members of
the Rabbinical Court in Jerusalem. But their answer came cold and
heartless, the Jewish man has acted in accordance with the
religion, Shahak was told.
Shahak was outraged by the treatment of Palestinians by his own
government, a fury that is reflected in his legacy. It is
noteworthy that Shahak was not a foreseen outcome of an Israeli
movement and school of thought. His anti-occupation conviction
is unique, and is viewed by most Israelis, included the so-called
peace movements, as extreme.
“After 1967, when I ceased being just a scientist and became
a political being, my first reason was that after 1967 the Israeli
aim was to dominate the Middle East, which every rational human
being knows impossible. My second reason was that there must be a
Palestinian state. It can come into being with a minimum of
bloodshed or a maximum of bloodshed. Even if the Intifada were
defeated, it would only cause a delay.”
Professor Amnon Rubinstein from the Meretz party, which
resembles the Israeli left, urged the government to confiscate
Shahak’s passport to halt his “slander” against Israel
abroad.
The diabetes-stricken scholar was probably the loneliest true
peace activist in the Jewish State. Not once did he waste the
chance in a public speech to denounce the Israeli occupation and
to expose the racism of such concepts as “a Jewish State”
and “Jewish settlements”. As the vibrant head of the
Council against House Destruction and later the Israeli Civil
Rights League, Shahak was constantly harassed and defamed.
Many prominent Israeli voices demanded that Shahak be
removed from the Hebrew University faculty. Others were consumed
in verbally abusing him through the Israeli media.
Lea Ben Dor had a few ideas on how to deal with Shahak. Dor
wrote in the Jerusalem Post in the mid 1970’s, “What should we
do about the poor professor? The hospital? Or a bit of the
Terrorism he approves? A booby-trap over the laboratory door?”
Nothing but death would have ended Shahak's quest for justice,
not even his failing health, or the ceaseless defamation
campaign launched against him in Israel, the United States and
elsewhere.
With Israel Shahak's death, the phenomena has become a legacy;
and the professor’s insightful work shall always testify to
the rightfulness of the Palestinian struggle, the inhumanity of
the vile occupation and the profound racism of the Zionist
discourse.
|